Yesterday’s so-called Potomac Primaries saw resounding victories for Barack Obama in DC, Maryland and Virginia. The results in DC and Maryland were not surprising, as each has substantial African-American communities, which turned out in force for Obama. The margin of victory in Virginia was a surprise, with Obama beating Clinton by 29 percentage points (pre-vote polls suggested a margin of more like 18%).
On the Republican side, McCain won in all three states as well. Again, his victories in DC and Maryland were expected, as neither state boasts the sort of conservative, evangelical base that makes up virtually all of Huckabee’s support. Neither state is even remotely in play in November, as either Obama or Clinton would beat the Republican handily. In Virginia, early returns suggested that Old Dominion conservatives might be sending a message to McCain about his conservative credentials (or lack thereof), but in the end McCain managed to get half the vote in the open GOP primary.
On a county-by-county basis, both Huckabee and Clinton found their support largely in the rural Southwest corner of the state.
Obama’s support was solid in all counties east of Lynchburg. Clinton picked up support in the SW, plus Shenandoah (50%), Warren (55%) and Page (59%) counties.
McCain, like Obama, did well in the more urban and suburban east. Huckabee polled well in the SW and Cumberland, Amelia and Dinwiddie counties west of Richmond, plus the conservative parts of the SE (Charles City, Isle of Wight and Surry counties plus the cities of Chesapeake and Suffolk).
What are the lessons to be drawn from this? First, Obama is clearly able to pick up support from rural whites, as David Weigel notes at Reason:
Highland County, which borders West Virginia, is 99 percent white, and it went 54-45 for Obama. Floyd County, deep in Appalachia, is about 97 percent white, and it went 49-48 for Obama. Virginia has 11 congressional districts, all but two of them with white majorities, and Obama only lost one of them, the ultra-conservative 9th, which looks more like eastern Tennessee than the rest of Virginia.
Second, the not-McCain vote is far stronger than the pro-Huckabee vote. Look at where Huckabee did well, areas that are incredibly conservative and have as much chance of voting for a Democrat as choosing polo over NASCAR. Listen to Huckabee’s supporters. Virginia House Speaker William J. Howell said that McCain “has some work to do to convince Republicans and independents that he’s the man. . . . There are a lot of people still searching.” Voters aren’t any more fired up about the Huckster than are the politicians:
In Loudoun County, Huckabee found support yesterday among some voters who said former Massachusetts governor Mitt Romney had been their first choice, and among others who wanted to send a message. Former Romney supporter Mark Vayda, 82, chose Huckabee because he said McCain is weak on immigration.
Janice Schell, 45, of Purcellville, a self-described conservative Christian, voted for Huckabee even though she acknowledged that his chances are slim. “I’ll support John McCain if he gets the nomination. I guess it’s just to make a statement,” she said.
The conservatives are tilting at windmills, as McCain now has 821 delegates, needing only 370 to secure the nomination. Upcoming primaries where McCain would be expected to do well include Wisconsin (Feb. 19: 40 delegates), Indiana (May 6: 57 delegates), Ohio (March 4: 88 delegates) and Pennsylvania (April 22: 74 delegates). Huckabee’s chances to even be a gadfly until the convention will probably be determined by the March 4 Texas primary. McCain victories in Ohio and Texas would give him another 228 delegates. A McCain victory in Ohio or Texas would also make it mathematically impossible for Huckabee to win outright.
Momentum is now clearly with Obama, who has won eight straight contests over the suddenly-shaky Clinton, and McCain, who has broken a recent string of Huckabee protest vote victories. It’s certainly far from over, at least on the Democratic side. A President Huckabee would be a disaster, a strange amalgam of tax increases, statist policy and an ultra-conservative social agenda. You’d get an amendment to remake the Constitution in God’s image, policies to ban unapproved food, drink and other vices, and tax increases to pay for it all. President Clinton redux would be equally bad; her aborted efforts at remaking the health care system the first time around show just what to expect, and the fact that her support comes from old-line Democratic interest groups suggests that she wouldn’t even be able to claim the centrist New Democrat mantle her husband tried to claim. McCain and Obama may not be ideal (McCain’s anti-First Amendment campaign finance reform agenda comes to mind), but they look positively wonderful in comparison.